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This reference is a book chapter in Making Race and Nation: A Comparison of South Africa, the United States, and Brazil by Anthony W. Marx, the CEO of the New York Public Library and former president of Amherst College. He has written multiple scholarly articles and books about South Africa. The citation for this book is:

Marx, Anthony W. “We Are a Rock,” in Making Race and Nation: A Comparison of South Africa, the United States, and Brazil. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997): 194-216.

In this book chapter, Marx analyzes the economic consequences and the downfall of the apartheid state in South Africa. He argues that economics and the act of nation-building had the most influence on the anti-apartheid movement’s success. His data type is expert knowledge. To collect the qualitative data, he uses public and private records. His research question could be posed as: When did South Africans find commonality in their experiences, and what was the most successful form of protest that forced state authorities to respond to the anti-apartheid movement? This reference is credible because the content is written by a scholar that is well-knowledgeable about the region, has written multiple other works about apartheid, and is an open advocate for rights for black South Africans. The book is interesting to me because it looks at deeper economic effects, rather than other works written about racial injustice. Racial injustice is important to look at, but there are factors other than political protest that contributed to the success of the anti-apartheid movement. This may be interesting to my classmates who may not know much about the anti-apartheid movement in general, considering that it was not originally supported by Western countries, including the United States. It may not have appeared in world history school textbooks during middle school or high school education.

This article was found in the NWSA Journal, and was written by Thomas Ricks, a research scholar on Iranian and Palestinian history. The full article is cited as:

Ricks, Thomas M. 2006. “In Their Own Voices: Palestinian High School Girls and Their Memories

of the Intifadas and Nonviolent Resistance to Israeli Occupation, 1987 to 2004.” NWSA

            Journal 18 (3): 88-103. Doi: 10.1353/nwsa.2006.0059.

Ricks interviews 17 and 18 year old Palestinian high school girls to detail their experiences in Palestine post-Intifadas. His objective is to reveal the hardships faced by Palestinians in their daily lives as a result of Israeli occupation. His data types are reports of acts, behaviors, and events and deeply held opinions and attitudes. To collect this qualitative data, he uses in-depth interviews (oral histories) and private records (school diaries). This article is credible because it was written in a peer-reviewed journal by a researcher with extensive knowledge on Palestine. Ricks’ interviews were interesting to me because he chose to interview young women, which is not a demographic that most Middle Eastern researchers report on. This may be interesting to my classmates because it details how women have led a resistance against violence, which is a cause that is highly publicized in our own country at the present.

This article was found in the Public Policy Research journal. Martha Nussbaum, a professor of law and philosophy at the University of Chicago, and Mohammed Abed, a philosophy professor at the University of Wisconsin-Madison hold a debate discussing the justifications of Israeli academic boycotts. The citation for the article is:

Nussbaum, Martha, and Mohammed Abed. 2007. “Can (Israeli) academic boycotts be justified?” Public Policy Research 14 (4): 218-28. doi: 10.1111/j.1744-540x.2008.00493.x.

Nussbaum argues that boycotts directed at academic institutions are not successful, and disagrees with the justifications for them. Abel believes that boycotts are more effective than other strategies because there is no government involvement, and because they have a bigger and more direct impact on the oppressive situations. The topic of this article is about the Palestinian boycott of Israeli academic institutions. Its research question is “Can Israeli academic boycotts be justified?” The data type used in this article is deep opinions and attitudes, collected by an in-depth interview. The analysis method used is qualitative. I think this research is interesting because it includes conflicting opinions which will be useful for me to see counter-arguments for the BDS movement. One thing I think is interesting is the fact that neither professors seem to have lived or experienced the boycotts first-hand so I’m wondering how well they can report on them.

This article in the peer-reviewed journal, Socialism and Democracy was written to encourage solidarity with the anti-apartheid movement in Palestine. It was written by Haidar Eid, a professor at Gaza’s al-Aqsa University. The article is cited as:

Eid, Haidar. 2014. “Solidarity with Anti-Apartheid Resistance in Post-Oslo Palestine.” Socialism and Democracy 28 (1): 113-22. doi: 10.1080/08854300.2013.869870.

Eid argues that the most urgent questions about the Israeli-occupied Gaza Strip and West Bank deal with international solidarity and how other countries can support Palestinians. He also addresses colonial Zionism and its relationship with apartheid South Africa. The topic of this article is international solidarity with Palestine. Eid’s research question is: What should be the nature of international solidarity, and how can it support Palestinian struggles? The types of data used are cultural knowledge and deeply held opinions and attitudes. He uses ethnography and content analysis to collect data. The method of data analysis is qualitative. I think this article is extremely well-written, and it speaks volumes about calls for action. Eid’s writing is definitely biased, but it is clear that he is knowledgeable about the anti-apartheid struggle as someone living in the Gaza Strip. I think some people may be interested in the similarity between the segregation seen in Israeli-occupied territories and the era of segregation in America. There are direct correlations between the two, and it’s interesting that people on the other side of the world are still being treated as non-human.

This article was written by Manuel Hassassian in 2018. Hassassian is the executive vice president of Bethlehem university, a Catholic college founded in the Israeli-occupied West Bank which extends service to the Palestinians. This article was found in the Palestine-Israel Journal of Politics, Economics & Culture. The full citation is:
Hassassian, Manuel. 2018. “The Palestinian Christians Are Integral in the Palestinian National
Movement.” Palestine-Israel Journal Of Politics, Economics & Culture 22/23, no. 4/1: 57-64. Business Source Complete. EBSCOhost (accessed February 16, 2018).

This article details the effects of Israeli occupation on Christian Palestinians in the Middle East and why they have emigrated. Hassassian also makes it clear that Muslim Palestinians are not interested in the ethnic cleansing of Christians. The topic of the article centers around the Palestinian National Movement, and Hassassian’s research question could be asking how Christians in Palestine have been integral to the Palestinian National Movement. Hassassian uses expert knowledge and reports of acts, behaviors, and events as his data types. In order to collect the data, he used ethnography and public and private records. His method of data analysis is qualitative. I believe this research is credible because it was written in a peer-reviewed journal by someone with a high scholastic standing. I do believe that it is a biased article, but a substantial amount of literature researching the Israel/Palestine conflict is. This article could be interesting to my classmates because most people assume that Palestinian Muslims are the only group that is at the forefront of the Palestinian movement, but in fact, Palestinian Christians contribute significantly to the movement as well.

This article, “Islamist Challenges to the ‘Liberal Peace’ Discourse: The Case of Hamas and the Israel-Palestine ‘Peace Process’” was written by Corina Mullin in 2010. It is cited as: Mullin, Corinna. 2010. “Islamist Challenges to the ‘Liberal Peace’ Discourse: The Case of Hamas and the Israel-Palestine ‘Peace Process’.” Millenium: Journal of International Studies 39 (2): 525-46. Mullin analyzes the reasons why Hamas is not used in the Israeli-Palestinian peace process. Hamas is an organization that focuses on the use of violence in protesting, using Islam as their basis for argument. The dispute between Israel and Palestine has been, on Israel’s side, somewhat apartheid, Palestinian Muslim’s use of suicide bombing and weapons against the state of Israel has been globally unaccepted as an anti-apartheid tactic. The article involves several frameworks including how Hamas is marginalized, how peace processes are normally executed, and the framework of the Islamist movement. Mullin’s research uses reports of acts, behaviors, and events and expert knowledge as her types of data. She also collects data by looking at other documents written about the Israel/Palestine conflict. Qualitative analysis is her method of data analysis because she analyzes people’s behavior. I think this research was very interesting and well put together, mostly because I focus on peaceful protests and its benefits in the Middle East. By looking at Mullin’s analyzation of a violent form of protest, Hamas, I was able to understand other viewpoints. I enjoy studying more peaceful ways to combat apartheidism in Israel, but I know that many Westerners only see the conflict as violent. My classmates might think this would be interesting because it somewhat validates many opinions about why Hamas is a pessimistic global view.

Data Exercise #1

Meg Rickard
SOAN 300

Code Set #1:
For the first set of codes, I used #139 (the percentage of unemployed Americans as of 1993) and #151 (the overall health ranking in America as of 1993). The r= -0.47***.When I compared maps, there was a direct correlation between the two. The higher the employment rate, the lower the quality of health was in that region. When I looked at the scatterplots, I saw that as unemployment on the x-axis increased, the health rate on the y-axis decreased. Code #139 had central tendency statistics with the median being 6.20 and the mean being 6.25. The dispersion statistics had a standard deviation of 1.44 and the range was from 2.60-10.80. Code #151 had central tendency statistics with the median being 0.00 and the mean being 5.08. The dispersion statistics showed a standard deviation of 7.95 and a range from 0.00 to 22.00.

Code Set #2:
For the second set of codes, I used #111 (the numbers of violent crimes per 100k citizens) and #120 (the amount of people put in prison for over 12 months). The r=0.69***. The map was a little more sporadic. Nevada showed more violent crime and more jail time, while Texas showed less violent crime and more jail time. The scatter plot showed that general, as crime on the x-axis increased, so did the amount of jail time on the y-axis. Code #111 had central tendency statistics with a median of 502.80 and a mean of 5.08. The dispersion statistics showed a standard deviation of 264.1 and a range of 86.7-1071.0. Code #120 had central tendency statistics with a median of 288.00 and a mean of 301.26. The dispersion statistics showed a standard deviation of 126.25 and a range of 78.00-637.00.

Code Set #3:
For the third set of codes, I used #203 (the number of Playboy subscriptions per 100k people) and #210 (the number of homes with no adult female per 1000 people). The r=0.73***. The map showed that the amount of Playboy subscriptions correlated with the lack of adult females at home in that state. If there was a high number of Playboy subscriptions in the area, there was also a lack of an adult female in the home. The scatterplot showed that as the number of male-led households on the y-axis increased, so did the amount of Playboy subscriptions on the x-axis. Code #203 had central tendency statistics with a median of 1,399.4 and a mean of 1,401.9. The dispersion statistics showed a standard deviation of 302.0 and a range of 766.3-2,388.9. Code #210 had central tendency statistics with a median of 37.21 and a mean of 38.66. The dispersion statistics showed a standard deviation of 7.82 and a range of 27.02-67.84.

This article in the peer-reviewed Palestine-Israel Journal of Politics, Economics & Culture was written by Daniel Kurtzer, the previous US ambassador to Egypt and Israel. His article is cited as:
Kurtzer, Daniel. (2017). Transformational Leadership and the Prospects for Peace. Palestine Israel Journal Of Politics, Economics & Culture, 22 (2/3), 7-14.
The link to the web-article can be found at: http://web.a.ebscohost.com.ezproxy.redlands.edu/ehost/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?vid=2&sid=f87f9d3c-c159-49d1-b891-763cfa35cbf7%40sessionmgr4007

Kurtzer analyzes the “negotiation” tactics of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO)’s leader, Yasser Arafat, from the late 1960s until his death in 2004. Arafat used extreme violence to resist Israeli occupation, including attacks on civilians, suicide bombings, and airplane hijackings. Although he did change some of his methods, it was clear that he caused internal damage within the PLO and further resistance from Israel. Kurtzer also questions the motives of Donald Trump regarding a two-state solution and his so-called “ultimate plan”. The research question could be posed as, “What negative effects did Palestinian leaders’ negotiation tactics have on the PLO and the overall conflict between Israel and Palestine?” Kurtzer used expert knowledge and reports of acts, behaviors, and events as his types of data. In order to collect the data, he used public and private records and ethnography. His method of data analysis is qualitative. I believe this research is credible because it was found in a peer-reviewed journal and was written by a professor who has extensive knowledge about the region. One thing I found that others might find interesting is that because the article was written in July of 2017, Donald Trump’s declaration of the capital of Israel had not yet been publicized. Clearly, Trump does not believe in a two-state solution, which is exactly the point of view that Kurtzer was concerned with.

Variable Set #1:
For this set, I looked at the correlations between the death rate due to motor vehicle accidents per 100k people in 1997 (Code #62, CarDeath 97), the percent of the population uninsured from 1999-2000 (Code #83, %No Ins 00), the median age according to the 2000 census (Code #8, Med Age 2000), and the number of males per 100 females in 2000 (Code #10, SexRatio 00). The CarDeath 97 has a moderate, positive correlation of 0.39** with %NoIns 00. This was not surprising to me because if you don’t have insurance, you are less likely to be able to afford care if you are in a car accident. The %NoIns 00 has a moderate, negative correlation of -0.38** with the Med Age 2000 (not surprising because as you get older, you find it more and more important to get health insurance) and a moderate, positive correlation of 0.37** with SexRatio 00 (unsurprising because men are more likely to think they are resilient to injury, and therefore do not need health insurance). Med Age 2000 has a moderate, negative correlation of -0.45** with SexRatio 00. This was not surprising because females live longer than males. There was no correlation between Med Age 2000 and CarDeath 97 (surprising because usually, younger people get into more car accidents), and CarDeath 97 and SexRatio 00 (unsurprising because there is no correlation between sex and the ability to drive well).
I chose to use CarDeath 97 as my dependent variable because it can be influenced by a number of different factors. After running my regression analysis, I found that when I statistically controlled for Med Age 2000 and SexRatio 00, the predicted CarDeath 97 is expected to increase .42 units for every 1 unit increase in %NoIns 00 (Beta = 0.42**). When I statistically controlled for %NoIns 00 and SexRatio 00, the predicted CarDeath 97 is expected to decrease by .08 units for every 1 unit increase in Med Age 2000 (Beta =-.08). When I statistically controlled for Med Age 2000 and %NoIns 00, the CarDeath 97 is expected to decrease by .14 units for every 1 unit increase in SexRatio 00 (Beta = -.14). %NoIns 00, Med Age 2000, and SexRatio 00 account for 17.1% of the variation in CarDeath 97.

Variable Set #2:
For this set, I looked at the correlations between the Marriage rate per 1000 population in 1998 – without Nevada (79.5) (Code #19, Marry Rt 98), the number of teen births per 1000 in 1999 (Code #50, TeenBirth99), the percent of HS grads immediately enrolled in 2-yr or 4-yr colleges in 1998 (Code #87, % College 98), and the percent of the population that is black as of 2000 (Code #24, % Black 00). The Marry Rt 98 has a weak, positive correlation of 0.33* with the TeenBirth 99. This was somewhat surprising to me because I thought there would be more marriage based on the number of teens having babies. Marry Rt 98 has a weak, negative correlation of -0.35* with % College 98. This was interesting to me because as less people got married, more were seeking a college education. The % Black 00 has a strong, positive correlation of 0.54*** with Teen Birth99. I was somewhat sad to hear this because I know that people of color often have less access to resources that white people do, and to me, this looks like minorities are not receiving as much access to sexual education and birth control. There was no correlation between Marry Rt 98 and % Black 00 (not surprising because I have not seen any literature on race being a factor in marriage rate), % Black 00 and % College 98 (this was surprising because of the research done on people from different ethnicities attending college), or Teen Birth99 and % College 98 (surprising because usually, teen births result in deferring higher education).
I decided to make marriage rate my dependent variable because it had both positive and negative correlations. After running the regression analysis, I found that when I statistically controlled for % College 98 and Teen Birth99, Marry Rt 98 is predicted to decrease 0.04 units for every 1 unit increase in % Black 00 (Beta = -0.04). When I statistically controlled for % Black 00 and % College 98, Marry Rt 98 is predicted to increase 0.30 units for every 1 unit increase in Teen Birth99 (Beta = 0.30). When I statistically controlled for % Black 00 and Teen Birth99, Marry Rt 98 is predicted to decrease 0.28 units for every 1 unit increase in % College 98 (Beta = -0.28). % College 98, Teen Birth99, and % Black 00 all account for 19.3% of the variation in Marry Rt 98.

This article, “Islamist Challenges to the ‘Liberal Peace’ Discourse: The Case of Hamas and the Israel-Palestine ‘Peace Process’” was written by Corina Mullin in 2010. It is cited as: Mullin, Corinna. 2010. “Islamist Challenges to the ‘Liberal Peace’ Discourse: The Case of Hamas and the Israel-Palestine ‘Peace Process’.” Millenium: Journal of International Studies 39 (2): 525-46. Mullin analyzes the reasons why Hamas is not used in the Israeli-Palestinian peace process. Hamas is an organization that focuses on the use of violence in protesting, using Islam as their basis for argument. The dispute between Israel and Palestine has been, on Israel’s side, somewhat apartheid, Palestinian Muslim’s use of suicide bombing and weapons against the state of Israel has been globally unaccepted as an anti-apartheid tactic. The article involves several frameworks including how Hamas is marginalized, how peace processes are normally executed, and the framework of the Islamist movement. Mullin’s research uses reports of acts, behaviors, and events and expert knowledge as her types of data. She also collects data by looking at other documents written about the Israel/Palestine conflict. Qualitative analysis is her method of data analysis because she analyzes people’s behavior. I think this research was very interesting and well put together, mostly because I focus on peaceful protests and its benefits in the Middle East. By looking at Mullin’s analyzation of a violent form of protest, Hamas, I was able to understand other viewpoints. I enjoy studying more peaceful ways to combat apartheidism in Israel, but I know that many Westerners only see the conflict as violent. My classmates might think this would be interesting because it somewhat validates many opinions about why Hamas is a pessimistic global view.